Collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction are associated with different emotional profiles and attitudes towards out-groups

We interpret collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction as alternative beliefs people may hold about the value of the social identity they share ([2]; see [8] for an alternative interpretation). Collective narcissism focuses on the resentment for unrecognized greatness of the in-group, whereas in-group satisfaction emphasizes the concern about the in-group welfare. They overlap, but result in different attitudes towards out-groups when their common variance is partialled out [9, 10]).

Collective narcissism in its residual form is a group-based entitlement without the sense of belonging to a valuable in-group. In-group satisfaction in its residual form is a positive evaluation of the in-group, independent of external recognition and resilient to threats. As such, residual collective narcissism is related to out-group derogation, whereas residual in-group satisfaction is linked to out-group tolerance [9, 11, 12]. Those two beliefs about the in-group are also associated with different self-evaluations and emotional profiles [7].

Collective narcissism is associated with low self-esteem [10], low personal control [13] and a lack of social connectedness [7]. Collective narcissists are predisposed to experience aversive affective states such as anger or anxiety [7]. Negative affect is likely to motivate them to seek out aggression’s mood improving qualities [14], thus explaining their aggressive tendencies [2, 15]. In contrast to collective narcissism, in-group satisfaction is positively related to self-esteem [10], pro-sociality, and psychological well-being [7]. Moreover, positive social identification, akin to in-group satisfaction, has also been linked to better mental health [16, 17]. Lastly, greater in-group satisfaction is associated with stronger beliefs that the positive characteristics of individuals should be used to enhance the value of the in-group [18]. Collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction often act as mutual suppressors of their opposite associations with variables pertaining to intergroup relations: attitudes toward out-groups [19], willingness to accept past transgressions of the in-group [20]; solidarity with in-group members in time of crisis [21]; as well variables related to individual characteristics such as self-esteem [10]. Taking all these findings together, we expect collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction to mutually suppress each other’s associations with belief in the hedonistic function of revenge.

Belief in the hedonistic function of revenge, narcissism and aggression

Although results are mixed with respect to whether revenge is in fact a pleasant experience [22–24], people expect to “reap hedonistic rewards” from revenge [24]. This expectation is expressed by a popular saying “revenge is sweet,” which we operationalize as the belief in the hedonistic function of revenge: an expectation of momentary good feeling from harming others in response to feeling oneself harmed. Such a belief is correlated with joy at the misfortunes of others, low agreeableness, and high neuroticism [25]–dispositions showed to be associated with narcissism. Finally, such a belief motivates aggression. There are reasons to expect that narcissism, the individual desire for external validation of one’s inflated self-view [26], may be related to aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge. Narcissists tend to be envious [27] and hateful [28], and people who possess such traits are more inclined to have revengeful motivations [29]. Narcissism is also associated with vindictiveness [30–32] and retaliatory behaviour [33], as well as disconnection between self and reward [34]. Narcissists may be therefore especially inclined to engage in actions that may be potentially rewarding.

Since the concept of collective narcissism extends into the intergroup domain the concept of individual narcissism, many correlates of collective narcissism parallel the correlates of individual narcissism in an intergroup context [2]. As such, collective narcissism reliably predicts rejoicing in suffering of out-groups [35] and intergroup hostility [10, 12, 36]. Specifically, it is associated with persistent hypersensitivity to threats to the in-group’s privileged position [36], chronic resentment for insufficient recognition of the in-group [2], and negative emotionality [7].

Collective narcissists may be particularly inclined to believe that revenge gives good feeling, and especially attracted to experiences that may temporarily improve their mood, such as aggression [14]. Holding such a belief may be a way of coping with tension and a way of justifying aggression against out-groups, especially when the privileged position of the in-group is threatened or past harm to the in-group is made salient.

In-group satisfaction, on the other hand, is linked to intergroup tolerance [9, 10, 36] and psychological well-being [7]. Satisfied in-group members who are resilient to intergroup threats [11], and whose emotionality is rather positive [7], may not be inclined to believe in the hedonistic function of revenge.

Overview

We tested two hypotheses: Collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction have opposite indirect associations with intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge (Hypothesis 1) and mutually suppress each other’s relationships with belief in the hedonistic function of revenge (Hypothesis 2). Suppression occurs when one variable increases the predictive validity of another variable and when a direct and indirect (via suppressor) link between two variables have opposite signs—a significant positive predictor becomes a significant negative predictor and vice versa [37]. Since, we tested the mutual suppression, we expected collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction to mutually enhance their predictive validities and change signs [38].

Two studies were conducted in Poland. Study 1 concentrated on aggressive behavioural intentions against British people. Although the majority of Poles hold British people in high regard [39], relations between two nations include resentment [40]. In order to examine whether collective narcissism predicts belief in the hedonistic function of revenge especially when past harm to the in-group is made salient, we manipulated intergroup resentment by reminding participants of the broke of Polish-British military alliance. Study 2 focused on symbolic aggression against Syrian refugees since the majority of Poles do not have a positive opinion of Syrian refugees [41]. Syrian refugees are perceived as a threat to social cohesion and economic resources [42] and rejected [43].

Method

Materials

The response scale to all measures ranged from 1 (totally disagree) to 6 (totally agree).

Manipulation check was measured by asking participants to what extent British people: “harmed”, “humiliated”, “supported” (reversed), and “helped” (reversed) Polish people, α = .86, M = 3.21, SD = 1.10.

Collective narcissism was measured by the 5-item Collective Narcissism Scale ([45]; e.g. “Polish people deserve special treatment”), α = .88, M = 3.48, SD = 1.07.

In-group satisfaction was measured by the 4-item In-group satisfaction subscale of the In-group Identity Scale ([3, 46]; e.g. “I’m proud to be Polish”), α = .94, M = 4.59, SD = 1.03.

Belief in the hedonistic function of revenge was measured by the 5-item Hedonistic Belief About Revenge Scale (e.g. “Revenge gives me pleasure”), α = .97; M = 1.98, SD = 0.97.

Intergroup aggression was measured by 4 items (based on [46]). Participants were asked to indicate to what extent they would like to engage in each of the following behaviours towards British people: “harm”, “humiliate”, “offend”, “attack”; α = .88; M = 1.34; SD = 0.62.

Results

Zero-order correlations between variables are summarized in Table 1. Yet participants in the experimental condition were more prone to believe that Polish-British relations include resentment (M = 3.69, SD = .56) than participants in the control condition (M = 3.08; SD = .43) t(399) = 12.44, p < .001, the experimental manipulation did not moderate any associations in the model. Although participants in the experimental manipulation tended to be more aggressive against British (b = .14, SE = .06, p = .02), the experimental manipulation did not affect mean score for the belief in the hedonistic function of revenge, p = .342. Analyses with research condition entered as the moderator of the associations in the model are summarized in S1 Table.

Table 1

Zero-order correlations among variables in Studies 1 and 2.

	Study 1			Study 2
Variables	1.	2.	3.	1.	2.	3.
1. Collective narcissism	---
2. In-group satisfaction	.64***	---		.54***
3. Belief in the hedonistic function of revenge	.04	-.21***	---	.11	-. 09
4. Intergroup aggression	.15**	-.07	.30***	. 21*	. 11	. 29***

* p < .05,

** p < .01,

***p < .001.

In order to test the Hypothesis 1 that collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction have opposite indirect associations with intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge, we ran a path analysis in which collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction were entered as correlated predictors, belief in the hedonistic function of revenge as mediator, and intergroup aggression as outcome.

Analyses were performed in MPlus 8.4 with maximum likelihood estimation. We analysed the hypothesized relationships using a mediation model with two concurrent predictors to partial out variance shared by collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction. When the covariation between in-group satisfaction and collective narcissism was controlled, the path between collective narcissism and belief in the hedonistic function of revenge became positive and significant.

Results supported Hypothesis 1 and are presented in Fig 1. The path between collective narcissism and belief in the hedonistic function of revenge was positive and significant, as was the path between belief in the hedonistic function of revenge and intergroup aggression. The indirect effect of collective narcissism on intergroup aggression was positive and significant β = .24, z = 5.06, p < .001, 95% CI [.17, .33]. The path between in-group satisfaction and belief in the hedonistic function of revenge was negative and significant, as was the indirect effect of in-group satisfaction on intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge β = -.15, z = -3.23, p < .001, 95% CI [-.23, -.08]. The whole model was significant, R² = .13, z = 3.68, p < .001.

Fig 1

Unstandardized path coefficients, Study 1.

** p< .01; *** p< .001.

Results also provided support for Hypothesis 2: Collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction acted as mutual suppressors of their opposite relations with belief in the hedonistic function of revenge. Suppression effects are summarized in Table 2. In Study 2 we sought to replicate these findings by using a more reliable measure of intergroup aggression: the voodoo doll task ([47]) and different target of intergroup aggression: Syrian refugees.

Table 2

Summary of suppression effects for Studies 1 and 2.

Study 1
IS as suppressor	Estimate	SE	Es. / SE	p-value	95% CI
direct	.29	.06	4.62	< .001	.17	.42
indirect	-.26	.05	-5.35	< .001	-.35	-.16
total	.04	.06	0.65	.517	-.07	.15
CN suppressor	Estimate	SE	Es. / SE	p-value	95% CI
direct	-.40	.07	-6.02	< .001	-.53	-.27
indirect	.19	.04	4.38	< .001	.10	.27
total	-.21	.06	-3.7	< .001	-.32	-.10
Study 2
IS as suppressor	Estimate	SE	Es. / SE	p-value	95% CI
direct	.23	.07	3.13	.002	.11	.34
indirect	-.11	.04	-2.82	< .001	-.18	-.05
total	.11	.06	1.77	.076	.01	.22
CN suppressor	Estimate	SE	Es. / SE	p-value	95% CI
direct	-.20	.07	-2.97	.003	-. 31	-.09
indirect	.12	.04	2.93	.003	. 06	.19
total	-.08	.06	-1.40	.161	-. 17	.02

IS = in-group satisfaction, CN = collective narcissism.

Participants

Sample size for Study 2 was determined the same way as in Study 1 [44]. Regression coefficients were set to .20 for the path between the predictor and the mediator, and .15 for the path between the mediator and the outcome. Standard deviations of the predictors and mediators were set to .50. The smallest estimated sample size to discover the indirect effect was N = 246 (power = .80, alpha = .05). We oversampled to account for the missing data.

274 Polish university students participated in the study (232 female, 38 male, 4 gender missing data; Age: M = 25.70, SD = 8.11, range: 18–58) in exchange for research credits.

Method

Results

Zero-order correlations between variables are summarized in Table 1. Overall, 78,3% of participants did not insert any pins, 18,4% inserted 1–10 pins, and 3,3% inserted more than 10 pins. The index of dispersion (also known as the variance-to-mean ratio) of the counts was 23.12 indicating overdispersion (i.e., variance of responses is greater than their mean), suggesting a negative binomial distribution of the counts [47].

As in the Study 1, we analysed the hypothesized relation as a mediation model with two concurrent predictors in order to partial out variance shared by collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction. We used MPlus 8.4 with maximum likelihood estimation and a negative binomial distribution for the outcome. Results provided support for Hypothesis 1 and are presented in Fig 2. The indirect effect of collective narcissism on intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge was positive and significant β = .11, z = 2.08, p = .038, 95% CI [.03, .20]. The indirect effect of in-group satisfaction on intergroup aggression via belief in the hedonistic function of revenge was negative β = -.09, z = -2.12, p = .038, 95% CI [-.18, -.03].

Fig 2

Unstandardized path coefficients, Study 2.

** p< .01; *** p< .001.

Results also supported Hypothesis 2: Collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction mutually suppressed their opposite associations with belief in the hedonistic function of revenge. Suppression effects are summarized in Table 2.

Limitations and future directions

Our findings, although supportive for our Hypotheses, should be evaluated in light of several limitations. All the studies are correlational; therefore, we cannot make firm conclusions about causality of the observed effects. However, we provided a rationale for why beliefs about positive value of the in-group should determine (or not) belief in the hedonistic function of revenge and intergroup aggression. We also tested our hypothesized model against the model assuming that intergroup aggression mediated the relationship between belief in the hedonistic function of revenge and collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction (see S2 Table).

Results of Study 1, where intergroup aggression was measured as motivation to act aggressively against British [49], revealed higher regression coefficient when intergroup aggression mediated the relationship between both collective narcissism and in-group satisfaction and belief in the hedonistic function of revenge (see S2 Table). In Study 2 involving the voodoo doll task as a more direct measure of intergroup aggression [47], indirect effects had the same direction as in original analyses, but their path coefficients were smaller. We think this is because engaging in aggressive actions may increase belief in the rewarding function of aggression by either social learning [53] or by acquiring certain scripts that guide future aggressive behaviour [54].

Future studies would definitely benefit testing our hypotheses in experimental setups e.g. creating an intergroup situation that may increase desire for intergroup revenge or manipulating accessibility of the belief in the hedonistic function of revenge. Additional research is also needed to learn whether belief in the hedonistic function of revenge is indeed associated with pleasure after revengeful actions. If so, that would explain the perseverance of collective narcissistic aggressive actions and provide further evidence on whether revenge is factually a pleasant experience.